Category Archives: Uncategorized

Are we about to repeat 1976?

Many people identify the “Winter of Discontent” in 1978/9 as the cause of the change of Government that year, leading to what might be called the neoliberal era for the next 30 years.

But perhaps we should go back further, to 1976. Dennis Healey was the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Recently looking back on his life, he was interviewed for his old college at Oxford. It is worth reading the following extract as he reflects on the mistakes at the time:

In 1976 he was forced to go to the International Monetary Fund for a loan, conditional on spending cuts and a tightening of the money supply. By this time, he recalls, “I had dropped the straightforward Keynesian view with which I had had total sympathy when I entered the Treasury.” He describes this later period at the Treasury – which also saw international factors once again impact upon his life in the form of a series of global oil shocks – as being “extremely difficult for me to cope with.” Whilst he admits to mistakes which contributed to Labour’s downfall in 1979, he is adamant that “we didn’t deserve the alternative we actually got.”

Perhaps one of the most unpopular aspects of the 1976 crisis was the high-profile cut in nurses’ pay. He said much later in life that this had been a cut too far, and that it had been unnecessary as economic matters turned out. But it set a collision course between low-paid workers and government policy which culminated in the “Winter of Discontent” a couple of years later.

We seem to be covering similar ground again. The banking crisis instead of the oil crisis, and doubts again about trying for a Keynesian bounce-back from austerity. Last time the swing in votes was from Labour to Tory; the worry is that this time it might be from Tory to UKIP.

http://www.balliol.ox.ac.uk/alumni-and-friends/floreat-domus/2007/denis-healey-an-international-life

Q. When did politics become too hard to do? A. 1992.

My suggestion here is that making significant political change happen in the UK has now, mostly, been put into the ‘too hard to do’ box. The recent Scottish referendum with its galvanised discussions – 97 per cent voter registration and 83 per cent popular vote – only puts the rest of what happens these days politically into starker relief.

Of course, some will say that a referendum isn’t ‘proper’ voting, but that is just an excuse. We are now moving into a period of constitutional change for all of the UK, but where every tiny change will now require a huge amount of effort.

We can consider that this difficulty in making change happen dates back to 1992. John Major unexpectedly won the general election and the Tories stayed in power another five years.

The Labour Party was shocked to its core.

From this unexpected defeat came the essence of New Labour. But not just the policies and the presentation; above all we need to remember and understand the discipline. Up to the mid 1980s it had been said that the secret weapon of the Conservative Party was loyalty. Even before Margaret Thatcher was deposed as leader this public unity had fractured, most notably over the European Union. In turn, New Labour became the party of loyalty.

The downside of this discipline is that it became harder to argue publicly for some change. Because to argue publicly is to invite criticism, to feed talk of splits, of factions. Of course, the arguments still happened, but behind closed doors and on mobile phones. All very presentable, and of course now discredited as spin. So we had to become good Kremlinologists if we wanted to follow political debates.

The fashionable conclusion here would be to blame the Daily Mail, a paper that I do not like at all. It is the hostile press that has closed down the possibility of talking about political options in public. Maybe. But the hostile press were only ever fair-weather ‘friends’, and their negative influence is slowly declining, being replaced by social media trolls, often organised and now sometimes funded.

So, can we make change happen?

Just to be clear, my preferred devolution option is to cities, also known as city-regions and as metro-regions, but with a nuance. I share some people’s concern that Combined Authorities are too remote from the voting citizen, but I am equally not convinced that a Boris-style metro mayor is the answer. It makes easy TV, but is poor for political engagement. We need citizen engagement or civil society to mirror any new metro party-political arrangements, and in the current climate we do not have a lot of funds for new structures.

This means revisiting the too-high number of MPs in the House of Commons, and revisiting the powers that Westminster and HM Treasury takes to itself that cities could better manage themselves.

All of Scotland is a key marginal this week

The pundits are spilling a lot of ink on the Scottish referendum due tomorrow. One of the key ‘surprises’ is the high degree of political involvement, including a 97 per cent voter registration and an expected very high turnout. This compares starkly with the years of decline in voter registration and turnout in other elections throughout the UK.

Some pundits put this general decline to a rot that started with the Poll Tax, causing many people to avoid the Electoral Roll. To this received wisdom, we can add more recently the MPs expenses scandal as a reason for people to stay away from voting, and to stay away from politics.

But perhaps a deeper reason is the modern method of politics which divides voters into safe constituencies compared with marginal constituencies. The political model focuses the fight in the ‘key marginals’, leaving the majority feeling ignored and taken for granted. The safe seats only get the minimum offer – a few leaflets and a message from the party leader.

But Scotland is not voting by constituencies, it is rightly called a popular vote – every vote counts equally. Of course, there are 57 varieties of Proportional Representation and each method has its fans. But let’s not muddy the waters – the lessons and way forward for renewal in politics itself is now clear.

How many accountants does it take to run a cafe?

And the answer is… well, read on.

If we call this an anecdote, then that would be professionally a bad thing. So let’s call it a case study.

Near where we live there is a supermarket. And this supermarket is getting a refurbishment. Some aspects seem worthwhile, such as a new cold cabinets which have doors to be more energy efficient. But then there are other ‘improvements’, and to the cafe in particular.

The ‘old’ cafe, now closed to make way for more shelving, was perhaps not the prettiest place ever built, though it had large windows and space to move around. But it was the staff that made it distinctive. The same staff team worked the cafe and kitchen, and had got to know many of the regulars. M–, an elderly and quite frail lady who would get a lift in for her regular hot dinner. R–, a direct and vocal older gentleman who was harmless if somewhat opinionated. A disabled woman with her children each weekend. An evangelical man, always in a neatly ironed tank top, who would quietly minister his small flock, one to one with an egg ‘n chips. Yes, people might linger because it was airy and the staff were good. And this was probably its downfall.

The cafe clearly was not an efficient use of prime floorspace. In a few months, when the refurbishment is finished, there will be a new cafe. But smaller, at the back of the shop, lost in a dark corner without windows, and with the limited menu of heated-up ciabatta rolls. A standard design that is already in place in their other stores.

Speaking to one of the staff recently, their manager had been surprised to be told that someone had phoned Careline to report the closure of the old cafe. A better manager would not have been so shocked.

But some costs don’t show up in a spreadsheet. No doubt the head office accounts people have the figures for earnings per square metre of floorspace. But they couldn’t run a cafe for people. So the answer is, none.

Disabled people’s campaign photographs are going to the Labour History Archive

My collection of film negatives and prints of photographs taken during the campaigns by disabled people for equality from 1992 onwards is being taken into the archive at the People’s History Museum in Manchester.

This record of social history, still relevant and contested, will be available to researchers and activists alike. Digital copies are already available on Flickr at – https://www.flickr.com/photos/125059036@N08/

The archive will also house a collection of prints from the group, Manchester Disabled Athletes, MDA which I have been holding for safe keeping.

Their address is – Labour History Archive and Study Centre, People’s History Museum, Left Bank, Spinningfields, Manchester M3 3ER

http://www.phm.org.uk/

The archive is open 10.00 to 17.00 each weekday, with a break for lunch 12.30 to 13.30.

Greenwash and the green washing machine

This week my wider family accepted delivery of a new washing machine. The previous machine had given many years of loyal service, but finally had pegged out.

We chose carefully. Price was important, and the features needed to cover the basics. We chose from a well-known High Street retailer, because we like to think they have a reputation at stake if things go wrong. The main user will be a pensioner, so peace of mind was important rather than battling to get repairs. It was delivered, unpacked, plumbed in and the old one taken away.

And then the sales call. Would we like an extended warranty? No thanks.

“Ah, but you see, white goods these days don’t last as long as they used to. It is because they have to be more energy efficient.”

Really!

Where solar power no longer needs a feed-in tariff to be viable

This report from Australia (7 July) is very encouraging, showing the growth of solar power. Electricity from centralised, coal-fired power stations is no longer economically best, and for a long time has not been environmentally best.

The interesting development is how it is impacting on cities, where local rooftop power generation is set to take hold. Also interesting is that the economics do not rely on a feed-in tariff. In fact, some areas are now banning feed-in because of the solar surplus.

Lessons for the UK? Well, perhaps an understanding that solar power has serious economic as well as environmental benefits, even at a latitude this far north.

Link:
http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/jul/07/solar-has-won-even-if-coal-were-free-to-burn-power-stations-couldnt-compete

What recession? London is a construction site!

Today I walked down Oxford Street in London. Where I could. The same on Bond Street. When I emerged from Bank underground station the first image was of seven cranes. Four on one site. Crossrail alone has a massive footprint. Or rather, footprints. Many of them.

Regular readers will have heard me bang on about uneven regional and city development within the UK. And, 137 blogs later (yeah!) it is good to see that “regional powerhouses” is now a cross-party term, whatever cynical suspicions one might have.

But even £30 billion over five years and across England will not tip the scales substantially, I suggest. And many of the infrastructure plans are pencilled in with dates starting 202x. Remember that London will be bidding for regional funds too.

To quote the late Barbara Castle MP and Minister for Transport when speaking at a conference: “Comrades, they promise us jam tomorrow. I say, we want jam today!”

Added link on 8 July:
http://www.cityam.com/article/cranes-fill-london-sky-construction-soars

EU funds matched in England with £260m from the Big Lottery Fund for voluntary organisations (ESF and ERDF)

This week the Chief Executive of the Big Lottery Fund, Dawn Austwick, announced an agreement with NCVO and the Government to provide over £260 million as match funding for the 2014-2020 European Structural and Investment Fund (ESIF). The ESIF is due to be approved by the European Commission soon, hopefully before the year end.

The emphasis will be on matching the ESF (European Social Fund) contribution for projects which will be tackling poverty and social exclusion, with a focus on giving disadvantaged people support to improve their skills, training and employability. The ESIF also includes ERDF – the European Regional Development Fund.

The next step is for voluntary organisations in each LEP (Local Enterprise Partnership) area in England to come together over the summer and start planning to bid. £620,000 will be available to support this process.

NCVO said, “only a very small proportion of the last round of European Social Fund money was accessed by charities, with the vast bulk going to larger organisations or reaching the voluntary sector only through prime providers delivering top-down programmes. The new round of European funding represents a substantially more community-led approach.”

New readers, especially in voluntary organisations, should note the free ERDF Independent Guide book (PDF) on the downloads page above.

More details:
http://www.ncvo.org.uk/about-us/media-centre/press-releases/672-lottery-match-set-to-open-up-major-european-funding-opportunities-for-voluntary-sector

Federalism in the UK and how do we govern England

There is some talk in the press this week about the growing need for federalism within the government of the UK. The argument goes that, whatever the outcome of the forthcoming Scottish Referendum we will be moving towards a more federal approach of government.

The problem is that around 84 per cent of the UK population lives in England, and there is no appetite for an English Parliament. So what are the options, and what are the lessons?

Will it be Regions?

In his excellent book, Walter Menzies talks about the in-joke in Whitehall of TAFKAR – the areas formerly known as regions. In 2010, one of the first acts of the Coalition Government was to dismantle the regional bodies in England. Even the use of the word ‘region’ was abolished. Everything was now ‘local’. This policy move has been under-researched in my opinion, but my sense is that it was driven by some councillors who had a fundamental dislike of regional housing strategies and boards telling them what to do. This dislike was, I suspect, especially found in the more prosperous semi-rural council areas who resented being told what to do by the nearby urban centres. The new Localism policy tried to fill the void with some planning guidance and incentives for development, but the house building shortage is a measure of its lack of impact.

However, the previous Labour government also fumbled the ball on regions. The trend seemed to be unstoppable but then we had the no vote in the North East. At the heart of government someone got cold feet just before the vote, and overnight a promise was made to the media that the vote would be changed to ‘reduce bureaucracy’. The new question was, which would you prefer – counties or regions – but you cannot have both. OK, the people said, we’ll keep what we’ve got.

Will it be Mayors?

Another response that still has some supporters is for more elected mayors, even though some of the areas that have tried them have later voted to go back to traditional councillors. This policy has been more researched and commented on than regional governance, and for the most part is not seen now as a strong contender. For me, the idea of elected mayors tried to put personalities above structures, and confused the effectiveness of Mayors of London as individual politicians without taking account of their additional legal powers.

Will it be Cities?

The idea of city-regions, roughly based on the old metropolitan counties but with a strategic influence beyond, has been gaining ground for some time. The recent development of Combined Authorities has been led by Greater Manchester and is spreading out in subsequent years with Liverpool, Leeds and elsewhere. These are new local authorities, being additional to the existing cities and boroughs that sit within them. So far these new authorities could be called a tidying-up exercise of all the various joint boards and arrangements that had to be invented when the metropolitan counties were abolished in the 1980s. Their competences include transport, waste and economic development. However, the ambition is that they provide a ready-to-roll vehicle for any new powers and resources that might flow to the urban areas outside of London.

England within a Federal UK?

So, with 84 per cent of the population in England, let us try and imagine who sits around the table of a Federal UK meeting. The easy bit is – Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, and London.

And then we have – the ‘rest’, the ‘provinces’.

Us.

Curiously we are also the majority at the table, but you would not know that from the discussions so far, nor from the existing balance of powers. City-regions are now a strong contender for the other seats around the federal table, and in terms of population there is a strong democratic case. However, we need to remember another dynamic within the previous Labour government when the Countryside Alliance organised a mass march through London. Despite the fact that rural areas were more subsidised than urban areas, the government’s willingness to listen to the needs of cities chilled considerably.

This time around, as cities and urban areas we need to make sure we get our seats at the federal table. To do this effectively and to avoid being tackled to the ground we need to learn how, from the 1980s onwards, various hostile interests have got ahead of us and taken our rightful place. It is politics, so we should not be surprised. And not caught off-guard this time.

Finally, if anyone suggests that UK Federalism and fair city-region representation can be sorted by reforming the House of Lords, just think ‘long grass’.